Use these links to navigate this activity.
Use these links to navigate this activity.
Use these links to navigate this activity.
Navigate the items of this simulation:  Item 20 << >> Item 22
 
GOOD SENSE IN POLITICS
Harper's Weekly, December 17, 1870, page 810 (Editorial)
There is a remark constantly made by those who were not really opposed to the rebellion, and which is much too often echoed by those who supported the government with all their hearts, that the old issues are settled. We are exhorted to believe that there is no possible relation between yesterday and to-day, and that those who half a dozen years ago were either forcibly attempting the overthrow of the government or quietly conniving at it may be now safely trusted with its control. There is no profounder error, nor one which the country will more bitterly rue if it should become more general. The old issues are not settled, simply because the old spirit survives. The action of Governor Walker, of Virginia, in regard to the President’s Thanksgiving proclamation, and the Ku-Klux demonstrations in Kentucky, show decisively, if any proof were needed, that just in the degree that the Democratic party in the Northern States apparently gains, the ugly spirit at the South makes itself felt. That it would attempt the restoration of slavery need not be supposed, but that it would be as mischievous as it could be can not be doubted. It would keep the country in perpetual agitation. It would abuse the colored population in every practicable way. It would threaten and swagger in the old manner; and the country would most seriously deplore having treated the situation theoretically and not practically.

There is one thing, and one thing only, which is the sure guarantee of that national confidence which is now imperatively necessary, and that is the constant conviction upon the part of all disaffection that the country fully understands what it did in the war, and means to secure it to the utmost. To insist that the old issues are settled, that the rebellion was suppressed five years ago, that slavery is abolished, and the reconstruction acts are law, and that, therefore, it is wise to elect Jefferson Davis to the Senate, or to take Toombs into the cabinet, or to turn over the country to a Copperhead administration, because some of its members hold certain opinions upon certain other subjects, is to trifle with the very gravest peril. Those Republicans, therefore, who, upon a theory that revenue reform is the most vital and paramount of all issues, would willingly bring in the Democratic party, under cover of voting for Democratic free-traders against Republican projectionists, assume a very heavy responsibility. Suppose a representative denies the validity of the amendments, shares the Democratic hostility to the negro and hatred of the Southern Union men, and winks at the revival of the old Southern spirit of jealousy of the Union, and of the principles and tendency of the Republican party, how is he less desirable or dangerous because he may be a free-trader?

It is not a great many years since 1868, when General Grant was elected. We trust that revenue reformers, who are also Republicans, have not forgotten the scenes and speeches in the Tammany nominating conventions, and throughout the Southern States during the campaign. In prospect of the possible success of the Democratic party, which they had again proved their power to control before they had washed off the blood of the war, the Southern leaders showed precisely what they were and what they meant. It was the perception of that fact which so stirred the country, and so triumphantly elected General Grant. The election drove those leaders into their lair. The spirit of disturbance withdrew into silence. But it is not extinct. The least favorable sign shows it to be just as much alive as ever; and when the next Presidential contest begins those leaders will appear with the same battle-cry. And if the Republicans have permitted themselves to separate, under the delusion that old issues are settled, they will very probably find that the old issues will settle them.

Amidst all the criticism and dissatisfaction which there must always be in all parties, there is one thing to be borne steadily in mind, and that is, that the political alternative is very simple. If the Republicans lose power, the Democrats will take it, and what the Democratic party is every man knows. The man or the paper, therefore, that believes, notwithstanding the mistakes which the Republican party may have made, that its ascendancy is desirable for the general welfare, will so criticize as not to destroy the party. If a man, however, thinks it so rotten and reactionary as to promise nothing better than the Democracy, he will naturally regard its overthrow with complacent indifference. If, on the other hand, he distrusts a party which has so defied human nature and the national conscience and common sense, and in spirit and leadership remains unchanged, he will be very careful that no word or act of his connives at so immeasurable a misfortune as a renewed Democratic control of the government. Such a man will understand that a friendly tone in censuring a mistake is more serviceable to the cause he has at heart than the most satirical jeer.

If there were no political necessities, if the most radical differences were settled by the passage of a law, if diverging tendencies were harmonized because one for a time overbears the other, if there were but one simple, single question before the country, the duty of every good citizen would be equally simple. But in practical politics a man is morally bound to do the best that he can, not be relaxing his ideal, not by muzzling his mouth, but by remembering that he must decide upon a survey of the whole field, and choosing that which upon all the probabilities promises most for the highest general welfare. To mount a hobby and ride furiously out of the line may gratify a very sincere conviction, but it will only tend to give the victory to the enemy. It is fine, like the charge at Balaklava, but it is not war.

Harper's Weekly, December 17, 1870, page 810 (Editorial)
Navigate the items of this simulation:  Item 20 << >> Item 22

This site is brought to you by…
HarpWeek.com
Website and all Content © 1999-2000 HarpWeek, LLC